The Way Life Should Be? Vol. VII: Welcome to Paradise
There is a saying, “Shit rolls downhill,” and when considering the “refugee re-settlement” business—and it is in no small part a business—this saying is very apropos. Starting with the United Nations at the top, the nine major contractors in the US then “farm out” these refugees (most of whom are anything but) to approximately 350 sub-contractors to “seed” the refugees across the country. Most are settled in overwhelmingly white areas with high-trust and social cohesion under the auspices of humanitarianism and economic necessity. There is certainly an economic imperative for mass immigration on behalf of the Money Power, one which I will continue to illustrate, but there is also a very clear ideological motivation as well. As immigrants largely cluster in major cities, migrants must be artificially pumped into rural and/or less-“sexy” destinations by NGOs, the government, businesses, or some combination thereof. Migrant labor has been one of the primary drivers of the demographic transformation of areas in states from Oregon to Kansas to Georgia, but the vast network of re-settlement organizations, often with ample governmental or extra-governmental assistance, are able to pin-point and target areas to be totally “re-made.” These areas are always overwhelmingly white and generally unprepared for their diversity enema.
The state of Tennessee has pushed back against the federal government’s re-settlement overreach on Tenth Amendment grounds, and this is great, but unfortunately even in victory this would change little. As previously evidenced, many of these “charitable organizations,” such as Catholic Charities, do in fact receive substantial government (ie-taxpayer) funding, and are thus beholden to the government as a kind of shareholder—though only in principle. The Six Degrees of Separation between the federal consortium of agencies and the private voluntary agencies (VOLAGs) and subcontractors provides tremendous latitude for “discretionary” re-settlement should the government, as it has under President Trump, decide to lower the refugee cap. This provides for a sort of humanitarian end-around where the Vatican or other globalist groups can wire money to groups on the Mexican side of the US border and facilitate refugees’ or, even better, “asylum-seekers’” passage to the American side, where the VOLAGs and subcontractors then provide transport to places like Maine. The asylum loophole is especially insidious.
Under former Governor Paul LePage, Maine actually withdrew from the federal refugee re-settlement program, which should have ended the flow of refugees to the state, but—libertarians rejoice!—with the increasing privatization of “refugee re-settlement,” the well-intentioned decision has actually been counter-productive, which we’ll get to in a second. Canada’s provision for privatized refugee sponsorship, which is in addition to (read: above and beyond) governmental policy, has resulted in the highest rate of refugee re-settlement per capita in Canada of any Western country, presently over seven times that of the United States according to official figures. This is of course nowhere near enough for the anti-white ideologues or for the special interests who want it fully privatized. The US and other countries are being pressured by the private sector to move closer to, and ultimately beyond, the Canadian model, although we are already in many ways in a state of de facto privatization. In the present American model, according to the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR):
If a State chooses to withdraw from the Program…ORR may select one or more other grantees, typically private non-profit organizations, to administer federal funding for cash and medical assistance and social services provided to eligible refugee populations in that State.
In Maine, Catholic Charities has become that organization, and given what we’ve discussed in previous installments about Catholic Charities, it is little surprise the demographic transformation of the state has only accelerated. The number of refugees in Portland alone has doubled from the year 2013, much of that number coming since LePage’s withdrawal of Maine from the federal re-settlement program. As many migrants arrived this past June as in the entirety of 2013. 51% of the refugees admitted to the United States are from Africa, but a near-totality of refugees and asylum-seekers arriving in Maine are from sub-Saharan Africa, with a sprinkling of Middle Easterners. Regarding the Refugee Re-Settlement Industrial Complex, insert “Hotel California” joke here. As Don Barnett writes:
No state has ever been allowed to exit the program completely, though that was clearly the intent of the state of Maine… it is the 1994 regulation (45 CFR 400.301), not the statutory 1984 Wilson/Fish Amendment that allows for the federal government to bring in a private contractor to run the program when the state has exited the program. The Wilson/Fish statutory amendment does not grant authority to either HHS or ORR to fund an alternative program as a way to establish or continue an initial resettlement program in a state when that state has withdrawn from the federal program. It unintentionally provided a framework and funding that is more advantageous to the contractors. That is why it is the preferred mode of contractor operations when a state has withdrawn from the program. Ironically, what was meant to reduce costs and ensure accountability became a boon to the contractors, which together with regulation 45 CFR 400.301, allowed them to bypass any state influence and impose even more costs on the states where they operate…It was instrumentalized to the advantage of the very entities it was meant to control.
In other words, it functions exactly as it’s supposed to. It should be clear why it is advantageous for law firms, corporations, banks and other financial institutions, big agra, and other businesses to partner with these refugee re-settlement organizations; this “economic impetus” to humanitarianism is central to the Woke Capital model. This more than just a branding exercise, although “woke washing” is certainly a lucrative marketing tactic—it’s about curating a particular kind of consumer base, ensuring a steady supply of cheap, disposable labor (with private citizens often unwittingly padding the bottom line through confiscatory taxation, further aided by government corporate tax cuts or tax breaks), and a pliable, easily-“sold” population. You can’t ask questions if you don’t know what to ask.
This is not to say that the state isn’t at least partially involved—it is, more as a conduit than anything else, though. Labor is taxed at twice the rate of capital, which accelerates the accrual of capital to the top 1% and steepens the divide between haves and have-nots. It’s part of the reason someone like AOC has a base—they’re dimly aware that they’re being exploited, but given their lower IQs and critical thinking faculties—plus the sheer amount of programming—they simply regurgitate what they’re told: “White people.” Therein lies another benefit to trading whites for blacks and browns. Think about all of the golems you hear screeching about “white supremacy” while Jewish interests act with impunity. Tims, rims, Alizé, and socially-conscious Nikes.
There’s another shrewd tactic here: by “allying” with “social justice,” corporations can then rhetorically attack the “nativist” Right and, with the Left now totally subverted, erode the final barrier to open borders. Their rhetoric is then internalized by consumers to TAKE ACTION, either in the form of purchasing more products like the Kaepernick Nikes for social approval or literal action, which also involves purchasing products like milkshakes to hurl at anyone who isn’t officially-sanctioned ideologically. Speaking of milkshakes, it is empirically-accurate to state that the current groups flooding into the West do not prioritize wellness. Thus the Medical-Industrial Complex is also well-situated to make serious money. Unhappy with how society is? Here, take these pills! As you can see, these things are all interrelated even if they aren’t always working in direct conjunction. We’ll get more into asset privatization specifically in the Nestlé/Poland Springs context in a future piece, but for our purposes here, I’ll simply state that the deleterious effect non-whites (or certain other exceptions like Northeast Asians) have on their surroundings then “necessitates” privatization as corporations have preemptively consolidated resource control and may then mark it up for major profit. Consider the conditions of public drinking water in places like Flint, Michigan, and then consider the newly-created need for bottled water.
There’s another bonus here, too. When sufficient numbers of blacks and browns have moved to an area, elevated crime, ruined social capital, caused White Flight, and have driven down property values, the process of gentrification may begin, and enterprising developers stand to make a killing re-selling whites and “model minorities” a facsimile of what they had before diversity. You may even have a situation like that in Detroit with Dan Gilbert (Quicken Loans/Rock Ventures/Cleveland Cavaliers) and his Bedrock Detroit project—the anarcho-capitalist wet dream. As an added bonus, local taxpayers will contribute $618 million to be eventually priced-out of their own homes. But as always—think of the GDP!
The smoke-and-mirrors is all meant to direct attention away from the primary cause of what is, indeed, white genocide: the profit motive. You see, the banks and the multi-nationals are run by people who despise you—some Jew and some Gentile—but your destruction is less about this raw hatred and more about removing you as an obstacle to greater profits. You would likely demand pesky nuisances like lunch breaks, weekends, and a livable wage. You wouldn’t have an eighth child you couldn’t afford to care for. You might question why, exactly, you should have to pay almost double your home’s value by the end of a thirty-year mortgage. By creating a snake oil “academic” framework through which to lend cultural credence and legitimacy to concepts such as “privilege,” the private sphere is given carte blanche to dismantle the obstinate white population and sell their nations for parts—with ample government assistance in the interim stage, as the state is run by and for the financial institutions and corporations until it, too, can be dismantled and discarded.
Jewish hatred of the Gentile, especially whites, is vital to understand, as is their wildly disproportionate share of personal and professional influence over socially- and morally-corrosive institutions, but without first grasping the profit motive and the economic forces behind white replacement, you cannot combat Jewish use of power for privileging their in-group and acting out their millennia-long hatred of whites. They would not be able to do this without the means to do so, or without willing white collaborators motivated by greed and class-based disdain for lower-, working-, and even middle-class whites. Their dumb golems are useful, too, as they work to erode nationalist sentiments among all groups of people. Neo-liberalism is the vehicle, and it must be destroyed.
 “In FY 2019, the United States expects to resettle up to 30,000 refugees, as well as processing more than 280,000 asylum seekers. They will join the over 800,000 asylum seekers who are already inside the United States and who are awaiting adjudication of their claims.” https://www.state.gov/refugee-admissions/
 “Provisions for the Private Sponsorship Program were introduced as part of the Immigration Act of 1976. It was recognized at that time that in addition to a planned government effort to help refugees, Canada would benefit from a mechanism that would allow private citizens and corporations to become involved in refugee resettlement. [What was originally viewed as a very incidental part of the system of refugee intake, if it were ever to be utilized, quickly became the most imaginative innovation in refugee resettlement with the massive intake of Indochinese refugees beginning in 1979 and 1980 in which, during an 18- month period, 32,000 refugees were sponsored by the private sector.]” “Private Sponsorship of Refugees Program” Discussion Paper, Refuge, Vol. 12, No. 3 (September 1992).